Essay

Pious Frauds in Christian Literature

Sacred truth, forged paperwork, and the long career of useful falsehood.

A pious fraud is not simply a mistake. It is not legend, confusion, textual corruption, sincere exaggeration, bad memory, or devotional embroidery drifting across centuries like incense with a publishing budget. A pious fraud is more pointed than that: it is a falsehood offered in the service of religious truth. It is the forged apostolic letter, the invented martyrdom, the backdated decree, the miracle-story polished until it becomes propaganda, the document that arrives wearing the name of Peter, Paul, Clement, Dionysius, Constantine, or some conveniently dead authority who cannot object.

Christian literature did not invent this habit. Ancient Jewish, Greek, Roman, and philosophical traditions had their own pseudonymous works, forged oracles, literary impersonations, and ancestral ventriloquisms. The early Christian world inherited that culture. It then gave the practice an unusually powerful incentive: authority. In a religion built around revelation, apostolic succession, prophecy, saints, relics, councils, bishops, and sacred history, the oldest voice tends to win. If one can make a document sound apostolic, primitive, prophetic, or imperial, one has not merely written an argument. One has smuggled one’s argument into court wearing a judge’s wig.

Bart Ehrman’s Forgery and Counterforgery makes the point with admirable bluntness: early Christian literature contains a striking quantity of works falsely claiming apostolic or authoritative authorship, and ancient critics themselves often understood such false attribution as literary deceit rather than as some harmless convention of the age.

The usual apologetic escape route is to say that pseudonymous writing was normal in antiquity. This is half true, and therefore useful in exactly the way half-truths usually are. Yes, pseudonymous and attributed writing existed. No, it does not follow that readers were indifferent to deception. Tertullian gives us a gloriously awkward example in On Baptism. He complains of writings falsely circulating under Paul’s name to support Thecla as a precedent for women teaching and baptising. According to Tertullian, a presbyter in Asia composed the text, confessed that he had done it “from love of Paul”, and was removed from office. That is about as neat a specimen of pious fraud as one could ask for without having it gift-wrapped by a sarcastic archivist.

The Gospel of Peter gives another early example. Eusebius preserves material from Serapion of Antioch, who at first seems to have tolerated the text in the church of Rhossus, but later rejected it after finding teachings he regarded as false. Serapion’s reported line is particularly fatal to the “everyone knew and nobody cared” defence: Christians, he says, receive Peter and the other apostles, but reject writings falsely ascribed to them because such writings were not handed down. In other words, false apostolic attribution mattered. It mattered precisely because apostolic authority mattered.

The falsehood usually has a function. It authorises a doctrine. It settles a dispute. It supports a liturgical practice. It promotes episcopal jurisdiction. It protects property.

This is the pattern. The fraud is rarely random. It is not a medieval monk idly inventing paperwork because the weather was poor and vellum needed bothering. The falsehood usually has a function. It authorises a doctrine. It settles a dispute. It supports a liturgical practice. It promotes episcopal jurisdiction. It protects property. It stabilises a cult of saints. It advances an ascetic ideal. It gives a local tradition the dignity of antiquity. When a community wants its preference to look less like a preference, it discovers, with touching regularity, that an apostle, martyr, pope, emperor, sibyl, or ancient saint already agreed with it.

The New Testament itself sits uncomfortably near this discussion. One does not need to make crude claims here. The canonical gospels are formally anonymous, later associated with traditional names. That is a separate issue from forgery in the strict sense. The Pauline corpus is more complicated. Seven letters are widely treated as genuinely Pauline in mainstream critical scholarship, while others are disputed, with the Pastoral Epistles especially often regarded by critical scholars as pseudonymous. That does not mean every disputed text is a fraud in the same sense, nor that all scholars agree. It does mean that the problem of false or contested attribution is not confined to weird apocryphal back alleys. It stands near the canonical high street, looking inconveniently familiar.

The apocryphal tradition makes the scale harder to domesticate. There are gospels attributed to Thomas, Peter, Philip, Mary, Judas, and others. There are acts of apostles, letters between Paul and Seneca, alleged correspondence between Jesus and Abgar of Edessa, pseudo-Clementine romances, and church orders written as though they descend from apostolic instruction. The Apostolic Constitutions, for example, is described even in the Catholic Encyclopedia as a fourth-century “pseudo-Apostolic” collection dealing with Christian discipline, worship, and doctrine. That is not some minor doodle in the margin. It is sacred administration with a forged apostolic letterhead.

The phenomenon continues with Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, one of the most influential authors in Christian mystical theology. The author wrote in the late fifth or early sixth century, yet presented the works as if they came from Dionysius the Areopagite, the first-century convert of Paul mentioned in Acts. Stanford’s entry is wonderfully restrained and still devastating: the works may be regarded as a successful forgery, because the persona gave the author impeccable apostolic credentials and conveniently placed him before major Neoplatonic influences. This is intellectual laundering by chronology.

Then there is the Donation of Constantine, perhaps the medieval fraud with the finest tailoring. It purported to record Constantine granting vast temporal and spiritual power to Pope Sylvester and his successors. Britannica calls it the best-known and most important forgery of the Middle Ages, composed in the eighth century and influential in medieval political and religious affairs until Lorenzo Valla demolished it philologically in the fifteenth. Here the pious fraud moves from theological ornament to geopolitical instrument. A forged document helped clothe papal power in imperial antiquity. Apparently even God’s chosen institution benefits from forged conveyancing when the property portfolio becomes serious.

The False Decretals are still more bureaucratically impressive. These ninth-century canon-law forgeries, composed under the name Isidore Mercator, included forged papal letters attributed to early popes. The Catholic Encyclopedia is refreshingly direct: of sixty early papal letters in one section, fifty-eight are forgeries; in another section, around thirty more are forgeries; and “nowadays every one agrees” the so-called papal letters are forgeries. They were not harmless curiosities. They entered medieval legal collections and were used in ecclesiastical argument. If the Donation of Constantine is sacred fraud with a crown on, the False Decretals are sacred fraud with filing cabinets.

Hagiography adds another layer. Lives of saints, martyr acts, miracle collections, relic narratives, and local cult traditions often move along a spectrum from memory to edification to legend to outright invention. Hippolyte Delehaye, a Jesuit and Bollandist scholar, was not some atheist pamphleteer with a grudge and a cheap suit. His Legends of the Saints is a classic work of critical hagiography, precisely because the saintly archive is crowded with imaginative tales, artificial compositions, romances, popular inventions, myths, and legends. The point is not that every saint’s life is false. The point is that Christian devotion repeatedly generated literary forms in which historical truth and spiritual usefulness were allowed to become far too intimate.

One must also notice the internal Christian embarrassment. Christian tradition did not always celebrate pious fraud. Augustine explicitly confronts the idea that in matters concerning God it might be “a good and pious deed to speak falsely” and rejects it, insisting that every lie is sin, though sins differ in gravity. This matters because it prevents a lazy caricature. Christianity contains both the practice and the critique of the practice. It produced forgers, and it produced theologians who knew perfectly well that holy lying was still lying.

That tension is the revealing part. The system condemns falsehood in principle, yet rewards useful falsehood in practice whenever authority becomes scarce. If apostolic origin wins arguments, apostolic origin will be manufactured. If martyrdom attracts reverence, martyrdom stories will grow decorative wings. If papal privilege needs antiquity, antiquity will be backdated. If a mystical theology needs first-century credentials, a late antique Neoplatonist will borrow an Athenian convert from Acts and hope nobody checks the receipts too closely.

The cosmicist point is not that Christians were unusually wicked. That would be too comforting, because it would turn the matter into a defect of one tribe. The darker and more general lesson is that human beings are meaning-hungry animals who manufacture legitimacy when reality withholds it. Sacred history becomes a theatre in which communities project their needs backwards. The dead are made to speak. The apostles are made to adjudicate later quarrels. The martyrs are made to endorse later devotions. The emperor is made to sign away power he did not sign away. The archive becomes a séance with footnotes.

Nor does exposure always kill the fraud’s usefulness. A forged text can shape institutions long before it is detected. A pseudo-apostolic church order can influence liturgical imagination. A forged decretal can alter legal habit. A legendary saint can acquire shrines, prayers, patronage, processions, and economic gravity. Once falsehood becomes embedded in ritual, property, identity, and authority, correction arrives as a rather underfunded clerk facing a cathedral.

This is why pious fraud is so dangerous. It does not merely add false propositions to the world. It alters the machinery by which communities decide what counts as truth. A forged document presented as apostolic does not say, “Here is my argument.” It says, “Argument is over.” A fabricated miracle does not say, “Consider this possibility.” It says, “Bow.” Pious fraud is not merely dishonesty. It is an attempt to bypass the ordinary disciplines of evidence by dressing invention as inheritance.

The defence that the fraud was committed for a good cause is exactly the problem. Every fraud thinks it has a good cause. The forged letter protects orthodoxy. The fake decree protects the Church. The invented miracle strengthens faith. The embroidered martyrdom inspires courage. The pseudo-apostolic manual promotes order. The lie is never introduced as a lie. It arrives as pastoral necessity, spiritual edification, institutional stability, or holy tradition. That is how fraud usually enters the room: not snarling, but smiling, carrying a candle.

For a cosmicist, the lesson is bleakly simple. Human beings want the universe to certify their meanings, so they construct certificates and attribute them to heaven, apostles, saints, emperors, and antiquity. The cosmos does not validate the document. The paper trail is ours. The signatures are ours. The anxiety is ours. The fraud is pious because the need is pious; it is fraud because the need has outrun the evidence.

Christian literature is therefore not merely a record of faith seeking understanding. It is also, repeatedly, a record of faith seeking authority by literary means when argument, memory, and evidence were not enough. The result is a sacred archive in which genuine devotion, theological imagination, political ambition, institutional anxiety, honest tradition, textual accident, and outright forgery lie pressed together like bones in a reliquary.

And as usual, the reliquary is more revealing than the relic.

References

  • Augustine. On Lying and Enchiridion on Faith, Hope, and Love. See also Christian Classics Ethereal Library.
  • Baum, Armin D. “Pseudepigraphy / Literary Forgery.” In Dictionary of Paul and His Letters, 2nd ed.
  • Brox, Norbert. Falsche Verfasserangaben: Zur Erklärung der frühchristlichen Pseudepigraphie. Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk, 1975.
  • Delehaye, Hippolyte. The Legends of the Saints: An Introduction to Hagiography. London: Longmans, Green, 1907. Online at Internet History Sourcebooks.
  • Donelson, Lewis R. Pseudepigraphy and Ethical Argument in the Pastoral Epistles. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1986.
  • Ehrman, Bart D. Forged: Writing in the Name of God. New York: HarperOne, 2011.
  • Ehrman, Bart D. Forgery and Counterforgery: The Use of Literary Deceit in Early Christian Polemics. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012. See also the National Humanities Center listing.
  • Eusebius. Ecclesiastical History, especially 6.12 on Serapion and the Gospel of Peter. Online at New Advent.
  • “Apostolic Constitutions.” Catholic Encyclopedia. Online at New Advent.
  • “Donation of Constantine.” Encyclopaedia Britannica. Online at Britannica.
  • “False Decretals.” Catholic Encyclopedia. Online at New Advent.
  • Hathaway, Ronald F. “Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite.” Stanford Encyclopedia of philosophy. Online at Stanford Encyclopedia of philosophy.
  • Metzger, Bruce M. “Literary Forgeries and Canonical Pseudepigrapha.” Journal of Biblical Literature 91, no. 1, 1972.
  • Speyer, Wolfgang. Die literarische Fälschung im heidnischen und christlichen Altertum. Munich: C. H. Beck, 1971.
  • Tertullian. De Baptismo, especially chapter 17 on the Acts of Paul and Thecla. Online at New Advent.
  • Valla, Lorenzo. De falso credita et ementita Constantini donatione declamatio. 1440.